Europe Needs a New Security Framework

Europe Needs a New Security Framework

It has become increasingly clear that any viable framework for European defense and security cooperation necessitates the establishment of something akin to the old Western European Union (WEU), the ten-member bloc that ceased to operate in 2011. Many might argue that we already have the European Union and NATO, asserting that whatever one cannot accomplish, the other can. However, this argument is no longer valid; recent developments have demonstrated that both NATO and the EU are entirely unqualified to address the evolving challenges facing Europe.

Let us consider the case of Ukraine. On one hand, the EU plays a crucial role in providing financial assistance to this besieged country, moving swiftly to enhance cooperation between its defense industries and pave the way for Ukraine’s eventual accession. On the other hand, it finds itself paralyzed whenever one or two of its member states veto its decisions. Worse still, NATO has long been a cornerstone of defending European territory, yet the United States’ commitment to the alliance—particularly regarding European security—has become increasingly questionable, as evidenced by U.S. plans concerning Greenland, a sovereign territory of Denmark, a NATO and EU member. Consequently, dialogue among NATO members is no longer as vital as it once was, particularly regarding Russia’s war in Ukraine.

This is why new and informal frameworks are beginning to emerge on the margins. Over the past year, the coalition of willing nations formed to sustain support for Ukraine has gained increasing significance. Many are now referring to it by its initials in English: CoW (“Coalition of the Willing”). While the United States seeks to unilaterally establish inconsistent frameworks for ending the fighting, key European nations convene under this new banner to formulate a more serious long-term policy.

One evident advantage of the Coalition of the Willing is that it includes the United Kingdom and Norway while excluding Hungary, whose pro-Russian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, has consistently hindered the EU’s responses to the war. The informal leadership of this coalition, known as the E3—comprising Britain, France, and Germany—now meets relatively frequently, signaling that it addresses a need that neither the EU nor NATO can fulfill.

So why not take the logical next step of creating a new version of the old Western European Union? By the time it was officially dissolved nearly fifteen years ago, its remaining functions had been absorbed by the EU, whose mandate and structures now include security and defense policy. In fact, the mutual defense clause (Article 42.7) in the Lisbon Treaty establishing the EU was copied from the WEU Treaty, surpassing what the collective defense clause (Article 5) in the NATO Treaty stipulated.

But then came Brexit. The UK left the EU after a narrow majority of voters bought into the argument that their country would be better off alone, even in a more turbulent world. A decade later, it is now brutally clear that this was a mistake. Britain has not only become smaller and weaker, but the EU has as well. As an EU member, the UK played a major role in shaping the common policies pursued by a bloc that was significant on the global stage. When it departed, the source of this major influence was depleted.

Given the challenge posed by Russia’s war in Ukraine, crafting an effective European response without the UK has not been realistic. With the components of the Coalition of the Willing already in place, new trifold leadership has emerged, quickly gaining strategic importance. NATO has been heavily preoccupied with trying to placate “the Pope” (the embarrassing nickname given to U.S. President Donald Trump by NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte) to formulate a political response, while the EU has struggled against the hurdles posed by Hungary and Slovakia.

Since the new Western European Union effectively exists, wouldn’t it make sense to formalize it officially? At the very least, we should seriously consider this issue. The major states in Western Europe—however we define that term—need a stricter framework not only to coordinate policies concerning Russia and Ukraine but also to counter American intimidation, which is manifested in Trump’s declaration of imposing additional tariffs on European countries for opposing his proposal to annex Greenland.

There are various ways to institutionalize this new Western European Union without building huge structures and complex arrangements while avoiding further undermining or duplicating the roles of the EU or NATO. What matters is that those still willing to defend Western values do anything required. Trump’s first year in a possible second term has forced this situation upon Europe. With three more years remaining, hesitation is not an option. Establishing a new Western European Union must be at the top of the agenda, as European security cannot wait.